By Konstantinos K.
In the three months following the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, the CIA produced a top secret memorandum that was first declassified and published in 2004, having been redacted and approved for release. In it, the following phrase remains more relevant than ever, despite the 45 years that have passed since the two successful, albeit costly in human lives and resources, offensive operations (Attila I, Attila II) conducted by the Turkish Armed Forces. “While Greek-Cypriots continue to exercise control over their own destiny, Turkish-Cypriots find themselves superintendents of the mainland’s strategies for the island” The “mainland”, meaning the Turkish state has long exercised control over the occupied territories in northern Cyprus. Turkey consists the only state, member of the United Nations, that recognizes the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” upon a “declaration of independence” by the Turkish-Cypriot inhabitants of the island. This statement made by the CIA, in the then secret document under the title “The Turkification of Northern Cyprus” had been issued before the Turkish leadership of the occupied sector moved forward with its illegal, per the International Community and Law, declaration of independence. The initial plans of the then Turkish administration was to incorporate the occupied territories in the province of Anatolia (southeastern Turkey). However, after a brief inclusion of northern Cyprus into the mainland, as part of the Turkish State, a self-righteous declaration of independence was issued and the the “Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus” was born. Before we dive into the series of historical events that have shaped reality for Cyprus as it is today, the need to clarify the legality of the Turkish invasion (or humanitarian intervention per Turkey) and its subsequent aftermath is imperative. Given that the legality of the status of the occupied part of Cyprus is not disputed per International Law (which clearly stands against Turkey’s illegal invasion, branded as humanitarian intervention) but it is rather only Turkey itself that unilaterally defies the body of international legislation with regards to the matter, I shall refer to northern Cyprus as merely the “occupied” part of the internationally recognized state of Cyprus. The people of Northern Cyprus have every right to the occupied lands in a de facto rather than a de juromanner. Through this analysis, we shall see how both sides of the, divided by war, island have recently sat at the negotiations table to work out their differences with regards to that matter. But firstly a short flashback of the most important moments of the Turkish offensives is in order:
Attila I and the diplomatic initiatives that followed:
Following Turkish invasion of Cyprus on July 20, 1974 (Attila I), the developments in the Greek and Greek Cypriot camps can be summarized as it follows:
Under pressure of the political system due to this sudden development, the military dictatorship in Athens collapsed and on July 24 a government of national unity was formed under Konstantinos Karamanlis. Earlier, installed by the Greek colonels, President of Cyprus Nikolaos Sampson, had submitted his resignation and was replaced by the elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, Glafkos Clerides.
On July 24, 1974, diplomatic initiatives took place. Representatives of the two communities in Cyprus, Cleridesand Denktash, met to discuss the implementation of the ceasefire. On the same day, Archbishop Makarios was received by US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a time when the United States was in political turmoil because of the Watergate scandal and President Nixon was resigning. (He finally resigned on August 9, 1974 and was replaced by Vice President Gerald Ford, five days before “Attila 2”).
The next day, 25 July, followed by the recommendation of the UN Security Council, a “Tripartite Conference” was held in Geneva, with the resolution of the situation in Cyprus were proposed, in the absence of most interested parties of the island (Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot communities). Following intense discussions, the three ministers adopted a report on 30 July, consisting of four points:
1. No military expansion beyond the lines of July 30 (10 pm).
2. Creation of a security zone around the positions held by the Turkish armed forces.
3. Return to the Turkish Cypriots of all the military enclaves that had been occupied by the Greek side.
4. Gradual reduction of military forces on the island.
At the same time, the three ministers adopted a Declaration recognizing the existence of two autonomous administrations on the island, the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot, stating that “negotiations must be held as soon as possible to ensure the restoration of peace in the region and the re-establishment of the constitutional government in Cyprus“. Finally, they decided to convene a new conference on August 8, in which, in addition to the Guaranteeing Powers, a representative of the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots would participate.
The conference took place in Geneva on 8 August, with the participation of the Foreign Ministers of Great Britain, Greece and Turkey and the representatives of the Greek Cypriots Glafkos Clerides and the Turkish Cypriots Rauf Denktash. Greek negotiators Georgios Mavros and Glafkos Cleridestried to lead things to a reasonable and honest negotiation, but constantly clashed with their Turkish colleagues. Throughout the July 22 truce, the Turks reinforced the Kyreniaenclave and conducted small-scale military operations. It is characteristic that on the four days of July 22-26, the Turks violated the ceasefire 55 times. The Greek Cypriot side in the negotiations supported the return to the 1960 Constitution and the resumption of inter-communal talks. But the Turkish Foreign Minister rejected Clerides’ proposal and proposed a plan, according to which the Republic of Cyprus would be a bi-communal federal state in many cantons. would control 34% of the island. Denktash also proposed a bi-zonal federation, in which the Turkish Cypriot state would also cover 34% of the Republic.
Under the pressure of the developing circumstances and amid strong counter-claims, Glafkos Clerides proposed the following plan:
1. The constitutional structure of Cyprus to maintain its bi-communal character.
2. The coexistence of the two communities to be achieved by institutional agreements.
3. The Greek and Turkish community administrations to exercise powers in the areas where the respective populations have a majority.
The Turkish side refused to discuss Clerides’ plan and ultimately demanded that the Turkish proposals be accepted immediately. Clerides asked for a postponement of 36 or 48 hours so that he could reach an agreement with Makarios. The Turkish delegation rejected his request and the second Geneva conference ended without result at 3:30 in the morning of August 14, 1974. George Mavros made statements internationally denouncing the Turkish approach to these meetings.
The Attila II operation:
Sixty-five minutes after the wreck of the Geneva Conference, at 4:35 a.m., the Turkish army launches a fierce attack on all fronts in Cyprus (“Attila 2”). Tankers and strong infantry units move east in the direction of Famagusta and west towards the Turkish Cypriot enclave of Lefka and the town of Morphou. Fierce fighting raged all day, especially in northern Nicosia and its airport. The Greek Cypriots faced on their own the Turkish invaders, since aid from Greece could not be sent for objective reasons (long distance from Cyprus, danger of Turkish distraction in areas of Greek territory), such as the military leadership had assured the Prime Minister, Konstantinos Karamanlis.
On August 15, Turkish forces occupied the city of Famagusta without resistance and cut off the entire Karpasia Peninsula.
The Cypriot National Guard, under the pressure of the much stronger and numerically superior Turkish forces and the relentless air bombardment, was forced to retreat below the “green line” of Nicosia and south of the Nicosia-Famagusta and Nicosia-Morphou streets.
Thus, the Turkish forces, when a ceasefire was agreed at 6 pm on 16 August, had occupied the entire part ,envisaged by the Denktash Plan, and also Famagusta, areas whose area corresponded to 37% of the Cypriot territory. During their advance, the Turkish soldiers carried out horrific atrocities and acts of violence.
Thousands of Cypriots were expelled from their homes and a wave of 200,000 refugees moved from the occupied areas to the Free South. The opposite course was followed by 51,000 Turkish Cypriots.
Cyprus was divided by two ethnically solid populations, a situation that continues to this day.
In the diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council met on 15 and 16 August, and in four resolutions (357-360) called for an immediate ceasefire, the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Cyprus and a resumption of negotiations by interested parties. for a peaceful solution to the issue. All four resolutions were provocatively ignored by Turkey.
On August 14, 1974, Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis, interpreting the feelings of indignation of the Greek nation against the inaction of the American factor, announced the withdrawal of Greece from the military wing of NATO.
In the 28 days that the military operations lasted in Cyprus, the losses of the Greek side amounted to 4,500 – 6,000 dead and wounded (military personnel and civilians) and 2,000 – 3,000 missing. Turkish casualties amounted to 1,500 dead and 2,000 wounded.
To Be Continued…
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